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Interpreting Judah Halevi's Kuzari
Breathing Life into the Critical Historical Approach
While Maimonides'
Guide of the Perplexed is the text that has made the most profound
impression on me, the Kuzari continues to excite my interest. I ask
myself what it is that I find in the text that speaks to me. I am far from
Halevi's particularism, or so I would like to think. Perhaps his notion of an
inherent Jewish superiority touches a responsive chord in some dark passage of
my soul. The more evident answer is that Halevi, like Maimonides, is a loyal
Jew, steeped in the law and lore of tradition, who grapples with the views of
the philosophers. It is with the nature of this struggle that I identify. I may
not feel comfortable with much of its product, but I cannot help but feel drawn
to the way Halevi approaches the dilemma he
faces. How do I read the
Kuzari? I read it primarily, though certainly not exclusively, as a
philosophic text offering a rational conception of Judaism. This conception
emerges from Halevi's dialectic relation with Neoplatonic-Aristotelian
philosophy. His love-hate relation with this philosophical tradition is
reflected by many passages of the treatise. As much as Halevi rejects
philosophy, he embraces it. As much as he defines Judaism as the antithesis of
the philosophical approach, he essentially builds his own philosophy of Judaism
upon it. In the process, he reinterprets older Jewish motifs and conceptions,
instilling in them new meaning and
vitality. Over the years, there
has been a debate among scholars whether Halevi's Kuzari should be
considered a philosophic text at all - that is, one in which a coherent,
rational conception lies at its foundation. Some have argued that this work
should be treated primarily as a polemical tract, as implied by its very
subtitle - "The Book of Refutation and Proof of the Despised Faith". The
Kuzari was not intended by Halevi to offer a unified conception of
Judaism. Moreover, in the very introduction to the work, Halevi appears to
distance himself from some of the arguments of its Jewish protagonist. 1 Others agreed that
Halevi was not only trying to defend Judaism against its detractors, but also
attempting to formulate a conception of Judaism. They treated this conception,
however, as more mystical than rational in character. 2 There have also
been attempts to treat the Kuzari as an evolving text. The treatise
reflects the fundamental changes in Halevi's views and in his basic conceptual
approach between the writing of the earlier and later strata. 3 Much material has
been gleaned from the text in support of each of these approaches. The
Kuzari contains many polemical/apologetic arguments and remarks. Halevi
may not have personally identified with all of them. He presented them since
they furthered one of the prime objectives of his work - namely, a defense of
the "despised faith." This does not negate the view that a basic conception of
Judaism emerges from the text. Halevi's work is also replete with mystical
motifs. The line separating rationalism from mysticism is a thin one even in
Halevi's Islamic philosophical sources, reverberating with Neoplatonic motifs. 4 In addition to
these motifs, Halevi incorporates numerous motifs from older Jewish mystical
texts. Yet the critical point is that his interpretation of these motifs is
often of philosophic character. In all probability, it is also true that certain
changes occurred in Halevi's thought during the course of writing his work. The
problem remains how far reaching these changes were, and whether they hold the
primary key to understanding the various problems and inconsistencies in the
text. 5 In the final
analysis, Halevi presents his work as a unity. He apparently did not view any
changes in his thought as fundamentally affecting the basic nature of his work.
While a number of critical differences between some of Halevi's conceptions may
be traced to changes occurring in his thinking in the course of writing his
work, I prefer to treat the text according to the way in which Halevi presents
it to us. The Kuzari certainly contains many apologetic remarks and
mystical motifs. Nevertheless, I regard it as essentially wrong to treat it
primarily as a polemical or mystical tract. Nor do I see Halevi as the
anti-philosophers' philosopher as Harry Wolfson sought to depict him. 6 This approach
perhaps says more of this great scholar's philosophy than about Halevi's own.
David Kaufmann's view of Halevi as an Al-Ghazzali in Jewish guise also misses
the "essence" of Halevi. 7 My interpretation
is closest to that of Julius Guttmann. 8 Halevi's attitude
to philosophy is a very complex one, marked by a great deal of ambiguity. This
is probably no less true of Al-Ghazzali, despite the reputation he gained as a
result of his work, The Destruction of Philosophy. Kaufmann was correct
in pointing out the marked similarity between Al-Ghazzali and Halevi, but he
placed the emphasis on the wrong points. Both were deeply committed to their
religious traditions, and both wrestled with philosophy in an attempt to
understand their traditions. 9 Halevi's
Kuzari revolves around two poles. The dominant one is the acceptance of
the basic pillars of Judaism - belief in a freely willing creator God capable of
miraculous acts in history, belief in Torah as the law revealed by God, belief
in the choseness of the Jewish people, and belief in the choseness of the Land
of Israel. Halevi never wavers in his commitment to these beliefs, which form
the bulwark of Jewish particularism. Yet the second pole is only slightly less
firm than the first. This is his commitment to rationalism, to the intellect's
ability to understand. The relationship between rationalism - embodied by the
scientific and philosophic knowledge of Halevi's day - and Jewish particularism
is at best a very problematic one. It is the combination of these two
commitments which gives Halevi's work its unique
texture. Halevi was aware of the
grave threat posed to Judaism by philosophy. Whatever the original form the
Kuzari may have assumed, it is the philosopher who is the most dangerous
antagonist in the final version. While he makes his formal appearance only at
the beginning of the work, his presence can be detected throughout. For the
philosopher, God is solely the guarantor of nature, rather than the freely
willing God of history. There can be no revelation of a law directly from God,
nor can there be purposeful interventions in the natural order. The philosopher
does not attach any special significance to Jewish observance, to Jewish
peoplehood or to the Land of
Israel. Any commitment to
rationalism thus appears to entail an undermining of the foundation of Judaism.
A philosopher who is Jewish may choose to continue to obey the Torah and
maintain an outer loyalty to the Jewish people, just as a philosopher who is
Moslem may continue to live according to the laws of Islam. One's inner loyalty,
however, is to a universal, though elitist, conception of human perfection. This
perfection is characterized more by the state of one's theoretical knowledge
than by one's actions. It is not determined by one's religious beliefs. The most
significant and only eternal bond is between the intellectually perfect,
irrespective of their religious practices or national origin. This is how Halevi
understood the philosophic conception, as evidenced by the speech of his
"philosopher" at the beginning of the Kuzari. Halevi develops his
historical proof of Judaism as a response to the intellectualism characterizing
the philosophers' view. The God of history, Halevi essentially argues, is not
simply a conception designed for instilling the belief in God in the masses.
This conception is not to be regarded as inferior to that of the philosophers,
who grasp God through the study of nature. The contrary is true. Approaching God
from the perspective of history provides one with the most certain
rational foundation upon which to base one's
faith. Halevi, on the other hand,
is enamored by the vision of the philosophers, who see a rational order
underlining the workings of the world. No less than the philosophers, he cannot
conceive of God as acting arbitrarily. Rational rules, as reflected in the
impersonal system of cause and effect in nature, should be seen as underlying
all divine activity. Halevi's attraction to the vision of the world presented by
the philosophers is too great to allow him to view the philosophers solely as
adversaries, (even if noble ones). Their vision may be a threat to Judaism. With
a certain amount of modification, however, it may also be used to understand
Judaism. As much as Halevi is intent on defending Judaism, he seeks to
comprehend it. The giving of the Torah solely to the Jewish people, and the
singling out of the Land of Israel, are not to be regarded simply as God playing
favorites. Even Halevi's racial
theory is not so much bolstered by rational arguments as it is, in large
measure, motivated by rational considerations. Jewish particularism is to be
best understood as the ultimate expression of the rational rules governing
divine activity as depicted by the philosophers. The philosophic principle that
entities receive only that which they are prepared to receive is the fundamental
principle in Halevi's view of the world (Kuzari V.20). The philosophers
divide the sublunar orders into four - inanimate, vegetative, animate, and
rational. Yet they also recognize a stage that is quasi sublunar and quasi
angelic - namely, that of conjunction with the Active Intellect. Halevi has only
to build upon this notion to ascribe a special place to the Jewish people in the
hierarchy of existence. If parents, human or animal, prepare their offspring to
receive their natural form in the philosophers' view, Jewish parents prepare
their offspring for their special state in the view of Halevi. In a similar
vein, the scientific doctrine of climatology posits that certain places, due to
their location, exert a more positive influence on the dispositions of their
inhabitants than other places. The singling out of the Land of Israel thus can
be explained in terms of the physical advantages it possesses and confers.
Finally, if the rational soul is a substance in its own right, as maintained by
some of the philosophers, one's activities can be evaluated from the perspective
of their influence on the state of this substance. The performance of the
commandments is treated by Halevi as having the most salutary influence on the
soul. It helps to arrange its three component parts -- appetitive, wrathful and
rational -- in a harmonious relationship (II.50; III. 5). Halevi's God knew
Plato and Plotinus well when legislating the
Law. Halevi's grappling with the
views of the philosophers emerges in many of the discussions in his work. He
presents his views as a rejection of those of the philosophers when he seeks to
defend Judaism, at the same time that he often modifies and incorporates them
when he seeks to understand it. He maintains that the philosophers failed to
attain the direct apprehension of God possessed by the prophets. This accounts
for the inferiority of their knowledge in comparison to that found in Jewish
tradition (IV.15). Yet he cannot help but concede to their view that the divine
essence is non-corporeal, unfathomable and an indivisible unity, and he
interprets Jewish tradition accordingly
(II.2). This dual attitude to the
conceptions of the philosophers at times leads Halevi to adopt ambiguous
positions on fundamental issues, or to waver between conflicting conceptions.
For example, he is not clear on whether the prophets were able to attain
positive knowledge of the divine essence, or if this knowledge is in principle
closed to everyone. Overall, his view of God wavers between the Plotinian One
and the freely willing God of tradition. He is convinced that the particulars of
the natural order and the miraculous events at Sinai prove the existence of
divine will. At the same time he is vague as to its ontic status (II.5-6). To
treat it as "part" of God is to violate the unity of the divine essence as
proven by the philosophers. To treat it as apart from God is to posit active
intermediaries between God and the world. This contradicts what is for Halevi a
fundamental principle of Judaism (V.20). If God is not the active causal agent
in nature and history, what remains of the God of Jewish
tradition? Halevi's view of
prophecy reflects a similar type of ambiguity. At times he comes close to
accepting the philosophic view of prophecy, treating the prophetic visions as
the product of the imaginative faculty (IV.3). 10 At other times
he rejects this view and insists upon the objective reality of the sights seen
by the prophets (I.87). The latter approach is to be found in all the
discussions bearing upon the revelation of the Torah. I do not regard the
apologetic nature of the text as the primary reason for the differences between
his views, though it may be an important factor. Halevi is not simply being
indifferent to the relation between the views he presents, so long as they serve
to bolster Judaism. There is a genuine struggle going on in his mind on the
relationship between the central ideas of Judaism and the philosophic world
view. On the basis of his dialectical relation with philosophy, Halevi
approaches many of the major issues with which he deals. I do not mean to
suggest that this struggle characterizes the entire text. Other major issues
also occupy Halevi's thought - e.g., his arguments with the Karaites and with
the proponents of the other religions. Yet I see this issue as the
central one for understanding the text. It may be argued with much justification
that my judgement is heavily influenced by my own intellectual concerns.
Nonetheless, I maintain that this is the Archimedean point for glimpsing the
essence of Halevi's thought. I will not try to defend this reading in the
confines of this essay. This would involve a careful analysis of too many
issues, together with a discussion of the shortcomings of other readings. I
present it as the conclusion to which I have been drawn as a "scholar," and one
which has the additional virtue of speaking directly to me across time.
This e-lecture is from the Goldstein-Goren
International Center for Jewish
Thought
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel
(scroll down to see notes)
- See, for example, Jacob Levinger, "The Kuzari and its Significance
[Heb.]," Tarbiz, 40 (1970-71): 472-482. (back to note 1 in lecture)
- This is Alexander Altmann's conclusion, at least in regard to Halevi's
theory of prophecy. See, "The Climatological Factor in Judah Halevi's Theory
of Prophecy" [Heb.], Melilah, 1 (1944): 15-16. Elliot Wolfson has shown yet
another dimension in which mysticism enters into Halevi's thought. See,
"Merkavah Traditions in Philosophical Garb: Judah Halevi Reconsidered," PAAJR,
57 (1990-91): 179-242. (back to note 2 in lecture)
- This view is presented by Shlomo Pines, "Sh`ite Terms and Conceptions in
Judah Halevi's Kuzari," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 2 (1980):
210-219; and Yochanan Silman, SILMAN, Philosopher and Prophet (New York: SUNY
Press, 1995). Pines and Silman fundamentally differ on the question of what
sections belong to the later and earlier periods and how to characterize the
changes in Halevi's thought. Pines sees Halevi moving from an Isma`ili
theological conceptual framework to an Avicennian philosophical one. Sillman
treats Halevi as beginning in the camp of the philosophers and subsequently
moving away from it. (back to note 3 in lecture)
- The common distinction between "Neoplatonic" and "Aristotelian" only
serves to confuse the picture. Neoplatonism is in large measure grounded in
Aristotle's philosophy, while the Aristotelian philosophers of the tenth and
eleventh centuries incorporated many of Plotinus's conceptions. In addition to
the mystical motifs found in his philosophic sources, Halevi made use of ones
found in earlier Jewish mystical literature as Elliot Wolfson has shown. See
above, p.2 n.4. (back to note 4 in lecture)
- I am inclined to accept Pines's view that Halevi became acquainted with
the philosophy of Avicenna towards the end of his writing. This is reflected
by Book Five of the Kuzari, which belongs to the later stage of his
thought. Avicenna's philosophy had a sharp and positive impact on Halevi's
thinking despite his critique of it. It should be noted that certain
Avicennian conceptions appear to underlie passages in Book One, particularly
Halevi's description of Adam in I.96. These conceptions, however, may have
been part of an educated individual's knowledge by Halevi's time. The point on
which I question Pines is whether Halevi's attitude to Avicennian philosophy
is fundamentally different from that exhibited by him towards the Aristotelian
philosophy of Alfarabi and Ibn Bajja presented in the earlier sections of his
work. (back to note 5 in lecture)
- See in particular his articles, "Maimonides and Halevi," JQR, 2
(1912): 297-337 [repr. in H.A. Wolfson, Studies in the History of
Philosophy and Religion, Vol. 2, I. Twersky and G. Williams eds.
(Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University, 1977): 120-160]; and "Hallevi
and Maimonides on Prophecy," JQR, 32 (1941-42): 345-70; and JQR,
33 (1942-43): 49-82 [repr. in Studies in the History of Philosophy and
Religion, 60-119]. (back to note 6 in lecture)
- See David Kaufmann, Geschichte der Attributenlehre (Gotha, 1877):
119-140; and "Jehuda Halewi," in his Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. 2
(Frankfurt, 1910): 99-151. Kaufmann's position was sharply criticized by David
Neumark in an annotation to his noteworthy study, "Jehudah Hallevi's
Philosophy in its Principles," Essays in Jewish Philosophy (Cincinnati,
1929): 218-300; and to a lesser extent by David Baneth, "R. Judah Halevi and
AL-Ghazzali," [Heb.] Knesset, 7 (1942): 311-29. (back to note 7 in lecture)
- See Julius Guttmann, Philosophies of Judaism, David Silverman
trans. (New York: Schocken, 1973): 136-151. (back to note 8 in lecture)
- Al-Ghazzali's mystical approach to Islam, as it finds expression in such
works as Mishkat al-Anwar, appears to be greatly indebted to Avicenna's
philosophy. (back to note 9 in lecture)
- In his discussion of prophecy in IV.3, Halevi wavers between different
views of prophecy in the same discussion. (back to note 10 in lecture)
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